Summary here and here.
40 months in, bringing the tanks back into urban warfare in Baghdad.
The United States military is signalling that it will maintain or possibly increase the current level of about 130,000 troops in Iraq as commanders develop a plan to move as many as 5,000 soldiers with heavy armour into embattled Baghdad.
The Pentagon announced Thursday that roughly 21,000 Army soldiers and Marines have been told they are scheduled to go to Iraq during the current 2006-2008 rotation.
Combined with two previous announcements of about 113,000 American service members scheduled for this rotation period, this could bring the number of US troops there to as many as 134,000, if all units are deployed.
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As part of the Baghdad security plan, all flights out for soldiers currently at the end of their deployment were cancelled as of Tuesday as commanders wrestled with the plan and how to supply troops needed for it, a third official said.
…About 30,000 US troops were in Baghdad before the new plan.
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Defence experts inside and outside the Pentagon worry that diverting US troops to Baghdad could weaken their ability in other parts of the country. They say the plan reverses an earlier effort to make Americans less visible and put Iraqi forces out front in the fight.
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Asked if bringing tanks and armour back to Baghdad would run counter to plans for reducing the visibility of US forces, one military official said: “There is definitely a fine line between overwhelming amounts of combat power versus enough to make you feel safe.
“I don’t think we’re talking a tank on every street corner,” the official said. Article
Note the use of “make you feel safe” — not make things safe. Additionally, should anyone think that missions of the “trained” Iraqi forces are not vetted by the U.S. occupying forces — well, there’s this piece of bottom land you might be interested in purchasing…
Hitching a ride on the despot’s coattails:
Blackwater says the government’s unprecedented reliance on private contractors on the battlefield has made them so indistinguishable from uniformed personnel that the company should enjoy the same immunity from liability as the government.
“You can’t separate the contractors from the troops anymore,” Joseph Schmitz, general counsel of Blackwater’s parent company, said after a March federal appeals court hearing in Richmond.
In court papers, Blackwater says its contractors perform “a classic military function” and asserts that the courts “may not impose liability for casualties sustained in the battlefield in the performance of these duties.”
Blackwater casts its defense in constitutional terms, arguing that the separation of powers and presidential authority are at stake.
“The judiciary may not impose standards on the manner in which the President oversees and commands the private component of the Total Force in foreign military operations,” the company says in one brief.
To that, the plaintiffs in the Fallujah case reply that Blackwater is trying to have it both ways – acting as a private entity on one hand and aligning itself with the government on the other.
In their filing, they argue: “Blackwater cannot have its cake and eat it too. As a private security company, reaping private profits, they should be held accountable for their wrongful conduct, just like every other private corporation in America.” Article
No, no no. This must be squelched as a rationale with utmost immediacy. D.O.A. Privatization of miltary duties does not bring those so privatized under the cloak of the commander-in-chief, no matter how one defines that position’s authorities. If the private, contracted manufacturers of MREs prouced any that led to illness or death, they woul be legally liable.
Segregation and ghettoization. Chaos abides.
Fearing sectarian death squads, Iraqis are trading homes with trusted friends from the other sect, surrounding themselves with those who share their faith but creating segregated neighborhoods increasingly wary of one other.
Iraqi officers say about 1,500 families have fled this religiously mixed city 25 miles west of Baghdad. Many others have moved to neighborhoods where their sect predominates - either deserting their former homes or exchanging them with people from the other brand of Islam.
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…the trucks packed with household goods that shuttle between neighborhoods underscore the sectarian fault line. Iraqi soldiers have tried to persuade residents to stay, but they acknowledge that influential tribal and religious leaders have encouraged many to leave.
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Nationwide, 26,858 families - or about 160,000 people - have been displaced by sectarian violence since the Feb. 22 bombing of a Shiite shrine in Samarra, according to Migration Minister Abdul-Samad Rahman.
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“We need a political solution. I can’t do anything because it’s not my job,” said Brig. Gen. Tarek, commander of the 1st Iraqi army division who would only provide his surname for fear of insurgent reprisal. “I could put a squad in every house … but that’s outside of my capabilities.” Article
Snatch ‘n’ grab via a five finger megaton discount.
That the radical restructuring of Iraq’s political economy has received so little critical attention — even as Iraq’s nascent government threatens to crash and burn — is a testament to how deeply indoctrinated we are –especially our media — in the narrative of what “American-style” capitalism is. It was taken as a given that after knocking off Saddam, we’d rapidly privatize huge swaths of Iraq’s national companies, get rid of hundreds of thousands of civil servants, completely restructure the country’s tax and finance laws and throw Iraq’s economy wide open for foreign multinationals. File it under bringing “democracy and capitalism” to the poor, backward Arabs.
The reality is that the economic policies we imposed on Iraq were not some generic form of “capitalism”; they included the most radical business-state rules imaginable — policies that developing countries have vehemently resisted for over a decade. What’s more, imposing them at the point of a gun appears to have violated both international and U.S. laws. There’s nothing “normal” about it.
And while “democratization” and “free markets” supposedly go hand-in-hand, the truth is that Iraq’s economic transformation was mutually exclusive with the goal of forming a legitimate government, and the Bush administration knew it well in advance of the occupation.
That’s because it’s universally accepted — even among the most vocal proponents of the very model of corporate globalization that inspired Iraq’s new economy — that in the short-term those policies create economic pain, displacement, anger and civil unrest, as well as a lack of faith in government. That’s no way to win hearts and minds.
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Pushing those policies in a country like Iraq was a matter of ideological preference and greed, not necessity. A good example is Iraq’s new flat-tax, established by Order #37 (now Law #37). As the Mi>Washington Post reported : “It took L. Paul Bremer, the U.S. administrator in Baghdad, no more than a stroke of the pen – to accomplish what eluded [Republicans] over the course of a decade and two presidential campaigns.”
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Now look at Order #1 in relation to Order #39, which made it a violation of Iraqi law fo the government to favor local Iraqi businesses or Iraqi workers for reconstruction work, meaning that all those pissed off, heavily-armed andd newly unemployed men could not be put to work rebuilding their country.
That killed the State Department’s own exhaustively prepared plans for post-war Iraq — plans that the administration had announced they’d follow prior to the invasion. According to a report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies….
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That’s not to say these policies caused the insurgency — it’s not that direct — but they created circumstances in which it could flourish and guaranteed it would have some popular support. This was, after all, an economic order that had led people living in much better circumstances in places like Seattle, Geneva and Montreal to riot. It was predictable that, on the heels of an invasion, they’d be greeted with violent resistance. Michael O’Hanlon of the Brookings Institution was right when he called post-conflict Iraq “a debacle that was foreseeable and indeed foreseen by most experts in the field.”
Much of this policy mix also violated international and U.S. law. It’s no small irony given that one of the reasons given for the invasion was to confront a “rogue” regime that scoffed at international law.
Article 43 of the Hague Convention says that an occupying power must “take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.” The only law that the American forces left standing was Saddam Hussein’s ban on public-sector unions.
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…common sense has always been in short supply in the Bush administration, and they chose to make the country into a trough full of slop for the big multinationals. Make no mistake about it, Iraq’s economic transformation is an example of war profiteering by other means, and the disastrous results are plain to see. Article