Summaries here and here and here.
Unknown gunmen on Sunday attacked and blew up a police station north of Baghdad, killing seven policemen and wounding two, a local police source said. Article
Chaos abides.
The monthly food rationing system on which millions of Iraqis depend is not working properly, according to officials. They warn that delays in food deliveries will have a serious impact on those fasting during the upcoming holy Islamic month of Ramadan (beginning around 13 September), when Muslims go without food and drink from dawn to sunset.
“There are many reasons why the monthly food ration system is not working very well,” Muhammad Ala’a Jabber, director of the west Baghdad office for delivering food rations, said. “There is a shortage of food products, the available products are of bad quality and sometimes are expired and there is a delay in delivery to the distribution offices.”
According to Jabber, Iraq’s food rationing system has continued to worsen since an escalation of sectarian violence began in February 2006. But in the past four months, he said, the problem has reached critical levels.
“It is rare to find items such as baby formula among rationed food. This never happened under Saddam Hussein’s regime when it was common to see an abundance of baby formula,” Jabber said.
“The rice which is available is of bad quality and the beans might require hours to cook. The quantity of flour and tea given to each family has decreased and at least 20 percent of families in search of food rations return home empty handed,” he added.
The Ministry of Trade, which is responsible for the delivery of food rations, said insecurity has been the main reason for the shortages in food ration items.
[snip]
“All items remaining in the ration have been reduced in quantity by nearly 35 percent,” Professor Muhammad Ezidin, an analyst at Baghdad University, said. “The programme has seriously deteriorated and with the increase in the number of displaced families, each day they face more difficulties to get their food ration, bringing starvation closer to Iraqi families.”
Sinan Youssef, a senior official in the strategy department at the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, said that about five million Iraqis depend on the monthly food ration programme but only 60 percent of this number is able to avail of it, leaving two million people in dire poverty.
“These people are mostly displaced families or those who are living in tense zones where the distribution programme is hard to implement,” Youssef added. Article
Refresher for what is to play out on Capitol Hill re: Iraq this week. (See also the What Have We Become section, below.)
Related: A Paul Krugman piece.
Here’s what will definitely happen when Gen. David Petraeus testifies before Congress next week: he’ll assert that the surge has reduced violence in Iraq — as long as you don’t count Sunnis killed by Sunnis, Shiites killed by Shiites, Iraqis killed by car bombs and people shot in the front of the head.
Here’s what I’m afraid will happen: Democrats will look at Gen. Petraeus’s uniform and medals and fall into their usual cringe. They won’t ask hard questions out of fear that someone might accuse them of attacking the military. After the testimony, they’ll desperately try to get Republicans to agree to a resolution that politely asks President Bush to maybe, possibly, withdraw some troops, if he feels like it.
There are five things I hope Democrats in Congress will remember.
[snip]
In light of all this, you have to wonder what Democrats, who according to The New York Times are considering a compromise that sets a “goal” for withdrawal rather than a timetable, are thinking. All such a compromise would accomplish would be to give Republicans who like to sound moderate — but who always vote with the Bush administration when it matters — political cover.
And six or seven months from now it will be the same thing all over again. Mr. Bush will stage another photo op at Camp Cupcake, the Marine nickname for the giant air base he never left on his recent visit to Iraq. The administration will move the goal posts again, and the military will come up with new ways to cook the books and claim success. Article
Thanks for coming; now take the blame.
Iraq on Sunday lashed out at its neighbours for interfering in its internal affairs and warned that violence they were stoking in the war-ravaged country could engulf the entire region.
“Many countries say they support Iraq’s stability and integrity, but at the same time are interfering in a number of different ways,” Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said at the end of the high-profile Baghdad Conference.
[snip]
The Baghdad Conference was attended by Iraq’s neighbours, including Iran, and delegates from the G8 countries as well as the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
It was called to thrash out common strategies to end Iraq’s sectarian violence, to find ways to fuel the country’s energy needs and to address the refugee crisis triggered by the volatile security situation.
The meeting comes a day before leading US officials in Iraq begin testifying before Congress in Washington on progress in the war-torn country.
[snip]
After the opening session, delegates split into…three working groups… — dealing with security, the plight of four million Iraqis displaced internally or who have fled to Jordan and Syria, and Iraq’s energy crisis.
The committees came up with firm proposals and these would be put before the next ministerial-level meeting, slated for Istanbul on October 31 and November 1, foreign minister Zebari said. Article
Related:
Iraqi security forces on Sunday blocked the main roads in the capital Baghdad as a precautionary measure to secure the areas where a conference for Iraq’s neighbors is to kick off later on the day.
“Iraqi security forces closed most of the main roads in western Baghdad and the Alawwi main bus station near the area where the conference is expected to be held, leading most workers and civil-servants to return home,” an eyewitness told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI). Article
Something must be lost in translation here.
Iraqi President Jalal al-Talabani expressed hope that the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr will turn the Mahdi army into a social and cultural institution, stressing the need to set free the non-guilty Sadr’s followers who were detained by security forces following the clashes that erupted in Karbala three weeks ago.
“President Talabani highly appreciated the move by Sayyed Muqtada al-Sadr to freeze the armed activities of his Mahdi amry and his decision to restructure its fighters,” Talabani’s office said in a statement following a meeting between Talabani and the Sadrist MP Baha al-Aaraji.
The statement added “President Talabani expressed hope that the Mahdi army restructure will turn it into a social and cultural institution.” Article
Shorter version … U.S. to Maliki and Shi’a: if you won;t move to disband militias, we’ll form our own.
Safa is a bent soda straw of a kid – 16 years old, tops, with a wisp of hair above his upper lip. He’s wearing a light blue shirt, and an AK-47 slung over his shoulder. The shirt means he’s a member of the local neighborhood watch in Fallujah – the eyes and ears of the police and the Marines here. And that entitles him to the automatic weapon.
But Safa wants more. He’s hoping soon to go to a police academy, so he can become one of the cops here, too. “Shoot gun!” he squeals and smiles, pointing his weapon in the air. Safa swears, just swears, that he’s 20, making him ready to be “I.P.,” an Iraqi policeman. But he can’t seem to get a badge saying so, just yet. For now, he takes chai orders at this concrete schoolhouse-turned-precinct-headquarters, AK in hand.
Three months ago, Am’r was driving a cab. Today, he’s an officer at the precinct house, in Fallujah’s Askeri district, on the northeast corner of town. A’mr served as an infantryman in Saddam’s army, he explains, combing his eyebrows and mustache. But, like Safa, he’s had no formal police training, Some of the other officers here call him “captain.”
[snip]
Not that long ago, the 2-6 were working to prop up the Iraqi Army. And they were having fun doing it. The units stationed here were relatively disciplined, and eager to learn from their American counterparts. Plus, they spoke English.
But these soldiers were mostly Shi’ite. So they were viewed as outsiders, even “Persians,” by the Sunni locals. And the troops weren’t really trained to walk a beat. “It’s just not a normal group to sit on a city,” Major George Benson, 2-6’s executive officer, explains. “So you’d get: Sweep area. Celebratory gunfire. Go back to JSS [joint security station]. Drink chai.”
Which wasn’t exactly a winning approach. In April, a dump truck, loaded with explosives, detonated in the middle of town, shooting a mushroom cloud into the sky. Through dumb luck – they happened to be on the right side of a seven-ton truck – a dozen Marines got out alive. Another, up in a security tower, did not.
So, in consultation with local officials, the Marines decided to switch teams, to work with guys that knew the neighborhoods – and might be able to use their tribal and family ties to keep tabs on the bomb-planters. Enter the I.P.s. and their friends, the neighborhood watchmen.
[snip]
…The goal was to get 125 watchmen today. They’ve barely hit half of that. Which is a problem. Because commanders from General David Petraeus on down have declared these these “alligators” (named for their Izod shirts, and for their roles as the scaley boots on the ground for the local police commander) as cornerstones of Iraq’s security. With a light blue shirt on, an alligator is authorized to carry a weapon — if he already has one –- and man checkpoints for the I.P.s. With his shirt off, an alligator can go to the café, to the mosque, and listen to what potential insurgents might be saying.
The idea is for the gator to be hyperlocal, to know exactly what’s going on in his few-blocks radius. Think of him as part informer, part rent-a-cop, part sheriff’s deputy. And sometimes, part restaurateur. Some of the alligators have opened a little chai-and-chicken shop inside the police station here.
The idea, at first, was to enlist 200 alligators in each of the city’s ten precincts, pay ‘em $50 a month, and fast track the best ones for police training. A cop makes ten times that amount. But $50 is a pittance, even in Iraq. So the numbers have been dwindling. What recruits they have seem to spend a whole lot of their time milling around the police house, smoking cigarettes, holding hands. And upgrading the ‘gators to the police academy has been more complex than originally planned. (Blame the bureaucracy at pretty much every level.) The Marines say they’ll be stepping up the pay, shortly, to $150. Lt. Muhammad says he’ll reach out to his neighbors and relatives for more recruits. (Already, most of his senior staff is kin.) He thinks he’ll get another 60 gators. Or maybe 25. Or maybe 35. Article
A last favor from Blair?
Britain was prepared to withdraw its forces from the southern Iraqi city of Basra in April, but held off for five months after the United States asked it to stay, Britain’s military commander in Iraq has said.
Speaking to Britain’s The Daily Telegraph, Brigadier James Bashall, commander of 1 Mechanised Brigade, said that he wanted to leave Britain’s Basra Palace base in April, which he said would have been “the right thing to do”.
“In April we could have come out and done the transition completely and that would have been the right thing to do, but politics prevented that,” Brig Bashall, 44, told the paper.
“The Americans asked us to stay for longer,” he said.
The decision to stay in the city was a result of “political strategy being played out at highest level”. Article
4½ years later, this speaks volumes.
…far from home, the most visible war effort for the Coast Guard has been the protection of the Iraqi Khawr al-Amaya Oil Terminal and al-Basrah Oil Terminal, where they have maintained a presence of five to six cutters to help enforce the security zones around the platforms.
The protection of the two platforms, which were captured by US Navy SEALs and Polish special forces during the opening hours of the Iraq invasion in March 2003, remains one of the most critical missions for the coalition forces four years after they ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime in Baghdad.
The oil production of the two fields account today for more than 80 per cent of Iraq’s revenues, and while Iraqis control the production from the platforms, the coalition remains responsible for their security. Article
Noted, but the dichotomy of it coming from a peace institute is also not to be ignored.
A panel of U.S. experts is releasing a report that calls for cutting U.S. forces in Iraq by half within three years and a total withdrawal in five years, U.S. media reported on Sunday.
[snip]
The panel was assembled by the U.S. Institute of Peace and includes many of the experts that advised the Iraq Study Group panel led by former secretary of state James A. Baker III and former Democratic congressman Lee H. Hamilton, which issued its report last December. Article
Get ready to be razzle-dazzled with flashy charts and dueling figures this week.
In vertical bars of blue, green, gray and red, a briefing chart prepared by the Defense Intelligence Agency says what Gen. David Petraeus won’t.
Insurgent attacks against Iraqi civilians, their security forces and U.S. troops remain high, according to the document obtained by The Associated Press. It is a conclusion that the well-regarded Army officer who is the top U.S. commander in Iraq is expected to try to counter when he and Ryan Crocker, the U.S. ambassador in Baghdad, testify before Congress on Monday and Tuesday.
More than four years into a conflict initially thought to be a cakewalk, the war has become a battle of statistics, graphs and conflicting assessments of progress in a country of more than 27 million people.
The defense intelligence chart makes the point, with figures from Petraeus’ command in Baghdad, the Multinational Force-Iraq. Congressional auditors used the same numbers to conclude that Iraqis are as unsafe now as they were six months ago; the Bush administration and military officials also using those figures say that finding is flawed.
[snip]
Gordon Adams, a former Clinton administration official who specializes in defense issues, said all the statistics coming from Iraq need to be questioned.
“When you really care about something, you’re really tempted to use the numbers that look best to you,” said Adams, a professor at American University’s School of International Service.
Adams drew a parallel to Vietnam, when body counts became a measure of success.
“There have been too many claims of victory. Too many claims of progress. No one trusts it anymore,” he said. Article
Related:
Some Republican aides are upset the White House has declined to brief them on this week’s congressional testimony on Iraq, it was reported.
“It would sure make things easier if we could get a heads-up on what the testimony will be,” one Senate aide, speaking on the condition of anonymity, told The Washington Times in a story published Sunday.
Republican leadership aides said the White House failed to provide even a brief account of the proposed testimony by Gen. David H. Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan C. Crocker, the Times reported. Article
Analysis du jour:
In Iraq today, civil war is under way. The cities and countryside are being carved up into sectarian, tribal, or militia-dominated fiefdoms, aided and abetted by Iranian support, while in the south, British forces have tried to maintain the veneer of control while training local authorities. Iran obviously has mounted an intense effort spanning the political, economic, and military areas, to gain influence and prepare for dominance following the US and UK departures. In the central and northern regions, the US has expended much of four years finishing Iran’s agenda by fighting against Sunni insurgents, including al-Qa’ida in Iraq, and has only lately begun to focus episodically on the Shiite militia supported by Iran.
Rumour in the region says the recent US-Sunni alliances in al-Anbar Province, of which President Bush made a great deal on his recent visit, are more the result of financial emoluments of outside Sunni powers than US activities, and are in preparation not for support of the central government, but rather for blocking Iranian-Shiite consolidation when the Americans depart.
[snip]
But the surge cannot be the lasting answer – it has just bought time for all sides: for President Bush, who doesn’t want to confront the imminence of strategic failure; for the Iranians, who aren’t ready to go for broke on their nuclear and regional ambitions; and for the Iraqi factions, struggling among themselves for survival and dominance. And time for the UK and other allies to struggle with US policy and political processes – trying to be supportive and, at the same time, make the right decisions for their troops and their publics. No one can say for certain that the Iraqis will not resolve their political differences in the midst of all this, but it is certainly unlikely.
[snip]
…. Unless and until the US and its allies deal effectively with Iran and its ambitions, there is likely to be no stability, no end to conflict in Iraq and no solution. Keeping troops in Iraq preserves options – that is all.
The isolating of Iran and occasional sabre-rattling is not an adequate response. Nor is the febrile, repeated efforts at diplomatic sanctions. Instead, the US will have to take the lead, with its allies in support. An effective strategic response must begin with an intensified dialogue within the region, and real, sustained and in-depth conversations with the Iranian leadership at multiple levels. Regional allies such as Saudi Arabia and Jordan must be included, not just informed. Principles must be developed, and consequences made plain, both positive and negative. The way ahead will be tortuous. There will be threats and counterthreats, blandishments and promises, crises and imminent conflict. Economic pressures will intensify.
But this is the path to be followed if we want to try to avoid conflict with Iran and at the same time head off its nuclear capability. The time remaining is short. There are alternatives to war, far better alternatives. But if all we can discuss is troop strength in Iraq, we won’t find them. Article